The development, which observers saw as a matter of when rather than if, does not mean the two regional powers see eye to eye on every issue, especially when it comes to the Palestinians. But it does mean that their interests align with enough important issues that they intend to pursue a positive bipartisan agenda. And they plan to do it in a way that won’t let the relationship crumble at the sight of the first breakup. “This shows the ability of countries to deal with differences and create frameworks for differences to be discussed without it destroying the bilateral relationship, as happened in previous years,” said Nimrod Goren, president of Mitvim – The Israeli Institute for Regional. Foreign Policy, think tank. This new relationship, combined with Israel’s growing ties to Arab partners, has far-reaching potential for both Jerusalem and Ankara. Get The Times of Israel Daily Edition by email and never miss our top stories By signing up, you agree to the terms But it also has the power to restore alliances across the Middle East as Turkey tries to recover from years of international isolation.
Steady progress, led by Herzog
The countries withdrew their ambassadors in 2010 after Israeli forces stormed a Gaza-bound blockade-busting flotilla, sparking a clash that left 10 Turkish nationals dead and several Israeli soldiers seriously wounded. A 2016 rapprochement collapsed two years later when Turkey recalled its ambassador and asked Israel to leave to protest Israel’s response to riots on the Gaza border that killed dozens of Palestinians. Turkish and Israeli leaders have criticized each other bitterly, with Recep Tayyip Erdogan calling Israel a country of “infanticide” and then-Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu accusing Erdogan of killing Kurdish civilians. The long journey to Wednesday’s announcement began in May 2020, when an El Al plane landed in Turkey for the first time in 10 years, as part of an operation to transport medical supplies to Israel at the height of the COVID-19 pandemic. In the months that followed, Turkey, faced with regional isolation, economic woes and a potentially hostile president in the White House, proved a more willing partner. Israel, enjoying growing ties with Turkey’s rivals and insisting on seeing evidence that Ankara would not take sides, was content to sit back. The slow process has gained momentum over the past year, with a new Israeli government in power and President Isaac Herzog taking an active diplomatic role. After Herzog was sworn in, Erdogan called to congratulate him and the two spoke for 40 minutes. Mordi Oknin (left), who was jailed with his wife Nathalie for photographing the Turkish president’s palace, arrives at their home in Modin, November 18, 2021. (Yossi Aloni/Flash90) The presidents have spoken regularly since then, including after the death of Herzog’s mother, when Erdogan contracted COVID, and the violence in Jerusalem during Ramadan. Herzog’s relationship with Erdogan was seen as a key factor in the release of an Israeli couple arrested on suspicion of espionage in Turkey. Herzog also flew to Ankara in March to meet Erdogan and was greeted by an honor guard and a band playing Israel’s national anthem, for the first time since 2008, when he visited Prime Minister Ehud Olmert. Once Herzog had prepared the ground, the countries’ top diplomats could meet. Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu, a close ally of Erdogan, met with his counterpart Yair Lapid in Jerusalem in May, before Lapid, who remained foreign minister, became Israel’s prime minister. The following month, amid Iran’s efforts to launch attacks on Israelis in Turkey, Lapid stood by Cavusoglu in Ankara and praised the security cooperation between the countries. During that visit, the two diplomats reached an agreement on a phased process leading to the return of the ambassadors. Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu, right, and Foreign Minister Yair Lapid speak to the media after their talks, in Ankara, Turkey, Thursday, June 23, 2022. (AP/Burhan Ozbilici) As senior officials met, government ministries began to take tangible steps. In July, Israel and Turkey signed the outline of a civil aviation agreement to replace the existing agreement that dates back to 1951. The finance ministry also announced it would reopen Israel’s financial office in Istanbul, which had been closed for three years. Along with steady progress, there was the risk of major setbacks. Erdogan criticized Israel’s “oppression” of Palestinians and “violations” in Jerusalem during his 2020 address to the United Nations General Assembly. The strange arrest of Israeli tourists in November 2021 also threatened to derail progress. And this month, during the three-day Operation Breaking Dawn in Gaza, Erdogan blasted Israel. “We condemn Israel’s actions in Gaza,” he said. “There can be no justification for killing children.” But with both sides determined to see the reconciliation process through to a successful conclusion, they navigated these episodes quietly and deftly. They had compelling reasons to do so.
New strategic dialogue
In the wake of the so-called Arab Spring, which toppled Sunni Arab regimes across the Middle East, Erdogan began promoting a regional order rooted in political Islam, supporting the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and the Islamist Ennahda party in Tunisia. But pro-Western authoritarian forces have pushed back across the region, and Turkey’s rivals have allied against the challenge emanating from Ankara. Faced with growing isolation and economic challenges, Turkey has decided to chart a new course in its foreign policy. During the decade-plus of tensions with Ankara, Jerusalem has been happy to ally with other countries opposed to Turkey and demonstrate its value as a regional partner. Greece, Cyprus, Egypt, Jordan and Turkey’s European rivals met with Israel over gas cooperation at the EastMed Gas Forum. Although the alliance’s planned pipeline to Europe is unlikely to ever be built, the group has laid the groundwork for other types of energy cooperation. Former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu (R), his Greek counterpart Kyriakos Mitsotakis (L) and Cypriot President Nicos Anastasiades shake hands in Athens on January 2, 2020, ahead of the signing of an agreement on the EastMed gas pipeline project from the eastern Mediterranean to Europe. (Aris Messins/AFP) Israel also forged the Abraham Accords with the UAE, another rival of Turkey, Bahrain and Morocco, and continued to expand the alliance into tangible agreements. Egypt and Jordan are also showing increasing interest in joining the Abraham Accords initiatives, and US President Joe Biden’s administration has fully supported expanding the alliance. By approaching Israel, Turkey is likely hoping to come in from the cold. Beyond diplomatic isolation, Turkey is in desperate need of foreign investment. Its total net foreign holdings have fallen by almost 50 percent over the past five years, and foreign direct investment has fallen by 38 percent by the same amount, as the Turkish economy continues to reel from the effects of the pandemic. In March, inflation in Turkey reached 80%, a 24-year high. Sustained economic growth has been key to Erdogan’s popularity among the Turkish working class as prime minister, and attracting new foreign investment is paramount for Turkey’s leader. A large replica of a 200 Turkish lira banknote, featuring a photo of modern Turkey’s founder Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, adorns a currency exchange shop in Istanbul. (AP Photo/Lefteris Pitarakis) The restoration of ties with Israel is the perfect sign of normalcy needed to appease foreign investors. Israel, for its part, is looking for a way to channel its natural gas to an energy-hungry Europe. “The Turks and the Turkish Cypriots have been keenly looking at any type of pipeline,” Yusuf Erim, a Turkish analyst at TRT World, told The Times of Israel. Jerusalem is also keen to expand security ties with another country that is concerned about Iranian activities in the region and wants to see its airlines reclaim a larger share of the lucrative inter-country aviation pie. The restoration of ties will have further resonance in the region. “Once the ambassadors return, the door opens for the resumption of a strategic dialogue between the sides,” Goren pointed out. With the US reducing its influence in the Middle East, other powers are filling the void, not all friendly to Israel. Closer strategic ties with Turkey can help Israel shape the Middle East in a way that is more beneficial, or at least less threatening. An IDF tank at a military post overlooking Syria near the Israeli border in the Golan Heights, May 23, 2022. (Michael Giladi/Flash90) Syria, a country on Israel’s border in which Russia and Iran are major players, has long posed serious threats to the Jewish state. But Turkey also has influence there, and wants to see a reduced Iranian presence in a country where it has carried out major military operations in recent years. “I think there is a lot of room for both countries to work together in Syria,” Erim said. “They both want the same thing.” Turkey is also trying to mend ties with Egypt, but Cairo remains wary of Ankara’s support for the Muslim Brotherhood. Israel could play…
title: “With The Reset Turkey And Israel Are Trying To Build Durable Ties That Can Reshape The Region Klmat” ShowToc: true date: “2022-11-09” author: “Kecia Andino”
The development, which observers saw as a matter of when rather than if, does not mean the two regional powers see eye to eye on every issue, especially when it comes to the Palestinians. But it does mean that their interests align with enough important issues that they intend to pursue a positive bipartisan agenda. And they plan to do it in a way that won’t let the relationship crumble at the sight of the first breakup. “This shows the ability of countries to deal with differences and create frameworks for differences to be discussed without it destroying the bilateral relationship, as happened in previous years,” said Nimrod Goren, president of Mitvim – The Israeli Institute for Regional. Foreign Policy, think tank. This new relationship, combined with Israel’s growing ties to Arab partners, has far-reaching potential for both Jerusalem and Ankara. Get The Times of Israel Daily Edition by email and never miss our top stories By signing up, you agree to the terms But it also has the power to restore alliances across the Middle East as Turkey tries to recover from years of international isolation.
Steady progress, led by Herzog
The countries withdrew their ambassadors in 2010 after Israeli forces stormed a Gaza-bound blockade-busting flotilla, sparking a clash that left 10 Turkish nationals dead and several Israeli soldiers seriously wounded. A 2016 rapprochement collapsed two years later when Turkey recalled its ambassador and asked Israel to leave to protest Israel’s response to riots on the Gaza border that killed dozens of Palestinians. Turkish and Israeli leaders have criticized each other bitterly, with Recep Tayyip Erdogan calling Israel a country of “infanticide” and then-Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu accusing Erdogan of killing Kurdish civilians. The long journey to Wednesday’s announcement began in May 2020, when an El Al plane landed in Turkey for the first time in 10 years, as part of an operation to transport medical supplies to Israel at the height of the COVID-19 pandemic. In the months that followed, Turkey, faced with regional isolation, economic woes and a potentially hostile president in the White House, proved a more willing partner. Israel, enjoying growing ties with Turkey’s rivals and insisting on seeing evidence that Ankara would not take sides, was content to sit back. The slow process has gained momentum over the past year, with a new Israeli government in power and President Isaac Herzog taking an active diplomatic role. After Herzog was sworn in, Erdogan called to congratulate him and the two spoke for 40 minutes. Mordi Oknin (left), who was jailed with his wife Nathalie for photographing the Turkish president’s palace, arrives at their home in Modin, November 18, 2021. (Yossi Aloni/Flash90) The presidents have spoken regularly since then, including after the death of Herzog’s mother, when Erdogan contracted COVID, and the violence in Jerusalem during Ramadan. Herzog’s relationship with Erdogan was seen as a key factor in the release of an Israeli couple arrested on suspicion of espionage in Turkey. Herzog also flew to Ankara in March to meet Erdogan and was greeted by an honor guard and a band playing Israel’s national anthem, for the first time since 2008, when he visited Prime Minister Ehud Olmert. Once Herzog had prepared the ground, the countries’ top diplomats could meet. Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu, a close ally of Erdogan, met with his counterpart Yair Lapid in Jerusalem in May, before Lapid, who remained foreign minister, became Israel’s prime minister. The following month, amid Iran’s efforts to launch attacks on Israelis in Turkey, Lapid stood by Cavusoglu in Ankara and praised the security cooperation between the countries. During that visit, the two diplomats reached an agreement on a phased process leading to the return of the ambassadors. Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu, right, and Foreign Minister Yair Lapid speak to the media after their talks, in Ankara, Turkey, Thursday, June 23, 2022. (AP/Burhan Ozbilici) As senior officials met, government ministries began to take tangible steps. In July, Israel and Turkey signed the outline of a civil aviation agreement to replace the existing agreement that dates back to 1951. The finance ministry also announced it would reopen Israel’s financial office in Istanbul, which had been closed for three years. Along with steady progress, there was the risk of major setbacks. Erdogan criticized Israel’s “oppression” of Palestinians and “violations” in Jerusalem during his 2020 address to the United Nations General Assembly. The strange arrest of Israeli tourists in November 2021 also threatened to derail progress. And this month, during the three-day Operation Breaking Dawn in Gaza, Erdogan blasted Israel. “We condemn Israel’s actions in Gaza,” he said. “There can be no justification for killing children.” But with both sides determined to see the reconciliation process through to a successful conclusion, they navigated these episodes quietly and deftly. They had compelling reasons to do so.
New strategic dialogue
In the wake of the so-called Arab Spring, which toppled Sunni Arab regimes across the Middle East, Erdogan began promoting a regional order rooted in political Islam, supporting the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and the Islamist Ennahda party in Tunisia. But pro-Western authoritarian forces have pushed back across the region, and Turkey’s rivals have allied against the challenge emanating from Ankara. Faced with growing isolation and economic challenges, Turkey has decided to chart a new course in its foreign policy. During the decade-plus of tensions with Ankara, Jerusalem has been happy to ally with other countries opposed to Turkey and demonstrate its value as a regional partner. Greece, Cyprus, Egypt, Jordan and Turkey’s European rivals met with Israel over gas cooperation at the EastMed Gas Forum. Although the alliance’s planned pipeline to Europe is unlikely to ever be built, the group has laid the groundwork for other types of energy cooperation. Former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu (R), his Greek counterpart Kyriakos Mitsotakis (L) and Cypriot President Nicos Anastasiades shake hands in Athens on January 2, 2020, ahead of the signing of an agreement on the EastMed gas pipeline project from the eastern Mediterranean to Europe. (Aris Messins/AFP) Israel also forged the Abraham Accords with the UAE, another rival of Turkey, Bahrain and Morocco, and continued to expand the alliance into tangible agreements. Egypt and Jordan are also showing increasing interest in joining the Abraham Accords initiatives, and US President Joe Biden’s administration has fully supported expanding the alliance. By approaching Israel, Turkey is likely hoping to come in from the cold. Beyond diplomatic isolation, Turkey is in desperate need of foreign investment. Its total net foreign holdings have fallen by almost 50 percent over the past five years, and foreign direct investment has fallen by 38 percent by the same amount, as the Turkish economy continues to reel from the effects of the pandemic. In March, inflation in Turkey reached 80%, a 24-year high. Sustained economic growth has been key to Erdogan’s popularity among the Turkish working class as prime minister, and attracting new foreign investment is paramount for Turkey’s leader. A large replica of a 200 Turkish lira banknote, featuring a photo of modern Turkey’s founder Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, adorns a currency exchange shop in Istanbul. (AP Photo/Lefteris Pitarakis) The restoration of ties with Israel is the perfect sign of normalcy needed to appease foreign investors. Israel, for its part, is looking for a way to channel its natural gas to an energy-hungry Europe. “The Turks and the Turkish Cypriots have been keenly looking at any type of pipeline,” Yusuf Erim, a Turkish analyst at TRT World, told The Times of Israel. Jerusalem is also keen to expand security ties with another country that is concerned about Iranian activities in the region and wants to see its airlines reclaim a larger share of the lucrative inter-country aviation pie. The restoration of ties will have further resonance in the region. “Once the ambassadors return, the door opens for the resumption of a strategic dialogue between the sides,” Goren pointed out. With the US reducing its influence in the Middle East, other powers are filling the void, not all friendly to Israel. Closer strategic ties with Turkey can help Israel shape the Middle East in a way that is more beneficial, or at least less threatening. An IDF tank at a military post overlooking Syria near the Israeli border in the Golan Heights, May 23, 2022. (Michael Giladi/Flash90) Syria, a country on Israel’s border in which Russia and Iran are major players, has long posed serious threats to the Jewish state. But Turkey also has influence there, and wants to see a reduced Iranian presence in a country where it has carried out major military operations in recent years. “I think there is a lot of room for both countries to work together in Syria,” Erim said. “They both want the same thing.” Turkey is also trying to mend ties with Egypt, but Cairo remains wary of Ankara’s support for the Muslim Brotherhood. Israel could play…
title: “With The Reset Turkey And Israel Are Trying To Build Durable Ties That Can Reshape The Region Klmat” ShowToc: true date: “2022-12-01” author: “Tameka Quesnell”
The development, which observers saw as a matter of when rather than if, does not mean the two regional powers see eye to eye on every issue, especially when it comes to the Palestinians. But it does mean that their interests align with enough important issues that they intend to pursue a positive bipartisan agenda. And they plan to do it in a way that won’t let the relationship crumble at the sight of the first breakup. “This shows the ability of countries to deal with differences and create frameworks for differences to be discussed without it destroying the bilateral relationship, as happened in previous years,” said Nimrod Goren, president of Mitvim – The Israeli Institute for Regional. Foreign Policy, think tank. This new relationship, combined with Israel’s growing ties to Arab partners, has far-reaching potential for both Jerusalem and Ankara. Get The Times of Israel Daily Edition by email and never miss our top stories By signing up, you agree to the terms But it also has the power to restore alliances across the Middle East as Turkey tries to recover from years of international isolation.
Steady progress, led by Herzog
The countries withdrew their ambassadors in 2010 after Israeli forces stormed a Gaza-bound blockade-busting flotilla, sparking a clash that left 10 Turkish nationals dead and several Israeli soldiers seriously wounded. A 2016 rapprochement collapsed two years later when Turkey recalled its ambassador and asked Israel to leave to protest Israel’s response to riots on the Gaza border that killed dozens of Palestinians. Turkish and Israeli leaders have criticized each other bitterly, with Recep Tayyip Erdogan calling Israel a country of “infanticide” and then-Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu accusing Erdogan of killing Kurdish civilians. The long journey to Wednesday’s announcement began in May 2020, when an El Al plane landed in Turkey for the first time in 10 years, as part of an operation to transport medical supplies to Israel at the height of the COVID-19 pandemic. In the months that followed, Turkey, faced with regional isolation, economic woes and a potentially hostile president in the White House, proved a more willing partner. Israel, enjoying growing ties with Turkey’s rivals and insisting on seeing evidence that Ankara would not take sides, was content to sit back. The slow process has gained momentum over the past year, with a new Israeli government in power and President Isaac Herzog taking an active diplomatic role. After Herzog was sworn in, Erdogan called to congratulate him and the two spoke for 40 minutes. Mordi Oknin (left), who was jailed with his wife Nathalie for photographing the Turkish president’s palace, arrives at their home in Modin, November 18, 2021. (Yossi Aloni/Flash90) The presidents have spoken regularly since then, including after the death of Herzog’s mother, when Erdogan contracted COVID, and the violence in Jerusalem during Ramadan. Herzog’s relationship with Erdogan was seen as a key factor in the release of an Israeli couple arrested on suspicion of espionage in Turkey. Herzog also flew to Ankara in March to meet Erdogan and was greeted by an honor guard and a band playing Israel’s national anthem, for the first time since 2008, when he visited Prime Minister Ehud Olmert. Once Herzog had prepared the ground, the countries’ top diplomats could meet. Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu, a close ally of Erdogan, met with his counterpart Yair Lapid in Jerusalem in May, before Lapid, who remained foreign minister, became Israel’s prime minister. The following month, amid Iran’s efforts to launch attacks on Israelis in Turkey, Lapid stood by Cavusoglu in Ankara and praised the security cooperation between the countries. During that visit, the two diplomats reached an agreement on a phased process leading to the return of the ambassadors. Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu, right, and Foreign Minister Yair Lapid speak to the media after their talks, in Ankara, Turkey, Thursday, June 23, 2022. (AP/Burhan Ozbilici) As senior officials met, government ministries began to take tangible steps. In July, Israel and Turkey signed the outline of a civil aviation agreement to replace the existing agreement that dates back to 1951. The finance ministry also announced it would reopen Israel’s financial office in Istanbul, which had been closed for three years. Along with steady progress, there was the risk of major setbacks. Erdogan criticized Israel’s “oppression” of Palestinians and “violations” in Jerusalem during his 2020 address to the United Nations General Assembly. The strange arrest of Israeli tourists in November 2021 also threatened to derail progress. And this month, during the three-day Operation Breaking Dawn in Gaza, Erdogan blasted Israel. “We condemn Israel’s actions in Gaza,” he said. “There can be no justification for killing children.” But with both sides determined to see the reconciliation process through to a successful conclusion, they navigated these episodes quietly and deftly. They had compelling reasons to do so.
New strategic dialogue
In the wake of the so-called Arab Spring, which toppled Sunni Arab regimes across the Middle East, Erdogan began promoting a regional order rooted in political Islam, supporting the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and the Islamist Ennahda party in Tunisia. But pro-Western authoritarian forces have pushed back across the region, and Turkey’s rivals have allied against the challenge emanating from Ankara. Faced with growing isolation and economic challenges, Turkey has decided to chart a new course in its foreign policy. During the decade-plus of tensions with Ankara, Jerusalem has been happy to ally with other countries opposed to Turkey and demonstrate its value as a regional partner. Greece, Cyprus, Egypt, Jordan and Turkey’s European rivals met with Israel over gas cooperation at the EastMed Gas Forum. Although the alliance’s planned pipeline to Europe is unlikely to ever be built, the group has laid the groundwork for other types of energy cooperation. Former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu (R), his Greek counterpart Kyriakos Mitsotakis (L) and Cypriot President Nicos Anastasiades shake hands in Athens on January 2, 2020, ahead of the signing of an agreement on the EastMed gas pipeline project from the eastern Mediterranean to Europe. (Aris Messins/AFP) Israel also forged the Abraham Accords with the UAE, another rival of Turkey, Bahrain and Morocco, and continued to expand the alliance into tangible agreements. Egypt and Jordan are also showing increasing interest in joining the Abraham Accords initiatives, and US President Joe Biden’s administration has fully supported expanding the alliance. By approaching Israel, Turkey is likely hoping to come in from the cold. Beyond diplomatic isolation, Turkey is in desperate need of foreign investment. Its total net foreign holdings have fallen by almost 50 percent over the past five years, and foreign direct investment has fallen by 38 percent by the same amount, as the Turkish economy continues to reel from the effects of the pandemic. In March, inflation in Turkey reached 80%, a 24-year high. Sustained economic growth has been key to Erdogan’s popularity among the Turkish working class as prime minister, and attracting new foreign investment is paramount for Turkey’s leader. A large replica of a 200 Turkish lira banknote, featuring a photo of modern Turkey’s founder Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, adorns a currency exchange shop in Istanbul. (AP Photo/Lefteris Pitarakis) The restoration of ties with Israel is the perfect sign of normalcy needed to appease foreign investors. Israel, for its part, is looking for a way to channel its natural gas to an energy-hungry Europe. “The Turks and the Turkish Cypriots have been keenly looking at any type of pipeline,” Yusuf Erim, a Turkish analyst at TRT World, told The Times of Israel. Jerusalem is also keen to expand security ties with another country that is concerned about Iranian activities in the region and wants to see its airlines reclaim a larger share of the lucrative inter-country aviation pie. The restoration of ties will have further resonance in the region. “Once the ambassadors return, the door opens for the resumption of a strategic dialogue between the sides,” Goren pointed out. With the US reducing its influence in the Middle East, other powers are filling the void, not all friendly to Israel. Closer strategic ties with Turkey can help Israel shape the Middle East in a way that is more beneficial, or at least less threatening. An IDF tank at a military post overlooking Syria near the Israeli border in the Golan Heights, May 23, 2022. (Michael Giladi/Flash90) Syria, a country on Israel’s border in which Russia and Iran are major players, has long posed serious threats to the Jewish state. But Turkey also has influence there, and wants to see a reduced Iranian presence in a country where it has carried out major military operations in recent years. “I think there is a lot of room for both countries to work together in Syria,” Erim said. “They both want the same thing.” Turkey is also trying to mend ties with Egypt, but Cairo remains wary of Ankara’s support for the Muslim Brotherhood. Israel could play…
title: “With The Reset Turkey And Israel Are Trying To Build Durable Ties That Can Reshape The Region Klmat” ShowToc: true date: “2022-10-26” author: “Jerome Shroyer”
The development, which observers saw as a matter of when rather than if, does not mean the two regional powers see eye to eye on every issue, especially when it comes to the Palestinians. But it does mean that their interests align with enough important issues that they intend to pursue a positive bipartisan agenda. And they plan to do it in a way that won’t let the relationship crumble at the sight of the first breakup. “This shows the ability of countries to deal with differences and create frameworks for differences to be discussed without it destroying the bilateral relationship, as happened in previous years,” said Nimrod Goren, president of Mitvim – The Israeli Institute for Regional. Foreign Policy, think tank. This new relationship, combined with Israel’s growing ties to Arab partners, has far-reaching potential for both Jerusalem and Ankara. Get The Times of Israel Daily Edition by email and never miss our top stories By signing up, you agree to the terms But it also has the power to restore alliances across the Middle East as Turkey tries to recover from years of international isolation.
Steady progress, led by Herzog
The countries withdrew their ambassadors in 2010 after Israeli forces stormed a Gaza-bound blockade-busting flotilla, sparking a clash that left 10 Turkish nationals dead and several Israeli soldiers seriously wounded. A 2016 rapprochement collapsed two years later when Turkey recalled its ambassador and asked Israel to leave to protest Israel’s response to riots on the Gaza border that killed dozens of Palestinians. Turkish and Israeli leaders have criticized each other bitterly, with Recep Tayyip Erdogan calling Israel a country of “infanticide” and then-Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu accusing Erdogan of killing Kurdish civilians. The long journey to Wednesday’s announcement began in May 2020, when an El Al plane landed in Turkey for the first time in 10 years, as part of an operation to transport medical supplies to Israel at the height of the COVID-19 pandemic. In the months that followed, Turkey, faced with regional isolation, economic woes and a potentially hostile president in the White House, proved a more willing partner. Israel, enjoying growing ties with Turkey’s rivals and insisting on seeing evidence that Ankara would not take sides, was content to sit back. The slow process has gained momentum over the past year, with a new Israeli government in power and President Isaac Herzog taking an active diplomatic role. After Herzog was sworn in, Erdogan called to congratulate him and the two spoke for 40 minutes. Mordi Oknin (left), who was jailed with his wife Nathalie for photographing the Turkish president’s palace, arrives at their home in Modin, November 18, 2021. (Yossi Aloni/Flash90) The presidents have spoken regularly since then, including after the death of Herzog’s mother, when Erdogan contracted COVID, and the violence in Jerusalem during Ramadan. Herzog’s relationship with Erdogan was seen as a key factor in the release of an Israeli couple arrested on suspicion of espionage in Turkey. Herzog also flew to Ankara in March to meet Erdogan and was greeted by an honor guard and a band playing Israel’s national anthem, for the first time since 2008, when he visited Prime Minister Ehud Olmert. Once Herzog had prepared the ground, the countries’ top diplomats could meet. Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu, a close ally of Erdogan, met with his counterpart Yair Lapid in Jerusalem in May, before Lapid, who remained foreign minister, became Israel’s prime minister. The following month, amid Iran’s efforts to launch attacks on Israelis in Turkey, Lapid stood by Cavusoglu in Ankara and praised the security cooperation between the countries. During that visit, the two diplomats reached an agreement on a phased process leading to the return of the ambassadors. Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu, right, and Foreign Minister Yair Lapid speak to the media after their talks, in Ankara, Turkey, Thursday, June 23, 2022. (AP/Burhan Ozbilici) As senior officials met, government ministries began to take tangible steps. In July, Israel and Turkey signed the outline of a civil aviation agreement to replace the existing agreement that dates back to 1951. The finance ministry also announced it would reopen Israel’s financial office in Istanbul, which had been closed for three years. Along with steady progress, there was the risk of major setbacks. Erdogan criticized Israel’s “oppression” of Palestinians and “violations” in Jerusalem during his 2020 address to the United Nations General Assembly. The strange arrest of Israeli tourists in November 2021 also threatened to derail progress. And this month, during the three-day Operation Breaking Dawn in Gaza, Erdogan blasted Israel. “We condemn Israel’s actions in Gaza,” he said. “There can be no justification for killing children.” But with both sides determined to see the reconciliation process through to a successful conclusion, they navigated these episodes quietly and deftly. They had compelling reasons to do so.
New strategic dialogue
In the wake of the so-called Arab Spring, which toppled Sunni Arab regimes across the Middle East, Erdogan began promoting a regional order rooted in political Islam, supporting the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and the Islamist Ennahda party in Tunisia. But pro-Western authoritarian forces have pushed back across the region, and Turkey’s rivals have allied against the challenge emanating from Ankara. Faced with growing isolation and economic challenges, Turkey has decided to chart a new course in its foreign policy. During the decade-plus of tensions with Ankara, Jerusalem has been happy to ally with other countries opposed to Turkey and demonstrate its value as a regional partner. Greece, Cyprus, Egypt, Jordan and Turkey’s European rivals met with Israel over gas cooperation at the EastMed Gas Forum. Although the alliance’s planned pipeline to Europe is unlikely to ever be built, the group has laid the groundwork for other types of energy cooperation. Former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu (R), his Greek counterpart Kyriakos Mitsotakis (L) and Cypriot President Nicos Anastasiades shake hands in Athens on January 2, 2020, ahead of the signing of an agreement on the EastMed gas pipeline project from the eastern Mediterranean to Europe. (Aris Messins/AFP) Israel also forged the Abraham Accords with the UAE, another rival of Turkey, Bahrain and Morocco, and continued to expand the alliance into tangible agreements. Egypt and Jordan are also showing increasing interest in joining the Abraham Accords initiatives, and US President Joe Biden’s administration has fully supported expanding the alliance. By approaching Israel, Turkey is likely hoping to come in from the cold. Beyond diplomatic isolation, Turkey is in desperate need of foreign investment. Its total net foreign holdings have fallen by almost 50 percent over the past five years, and foreign direct investment has fallen by 38 percent by the same amount, as the Turkish economy continues to reel from the effects of the pandemic. In March, inflation in Turkey reached 80%, a 24-year high. Sustained economic growth has been key to Erdogan’s popularity among the Turkish working class as prime minister, and attracting new foreign investment is paramount for Turkey’s leader. A large replica of a 200 Turkish lira banknote, featuring a photo of modern Turkey’s founder Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, adorns a currency exchange shop in Istanbul. (AP Photo/Lefteris Pitarakis) The restoration of ties with Israel is the perfect sign of normalcy needed to appease foreign investors. Israel, for its part, is looking for a way to channel its natural gas to an energy-hungry Europe. “The Turks and the Turkish Cypriots have been keenly looking at any type of pipeline,” Yusuf Erim, a Turkish analyst at TRT World, told The Times of Israel. Jerusalem is also keen to expand security ties with another country that is concerned about Iranian activities in the region and wants to see its airlines reclaim a larger share of the lucrative inter-country aviation pie. The restoration of ties will have further resonance in the region. “Once the ambassadors return, the door opens for the resumption of a strategic dialogue between the sides,” Goren pointed out. With the US reducing its influence in the Middle East, other powers are filling the void, not all friendly to Israel. Closer strategic ties with Turkey can help Israel shape the Middle East in a way that is more beneficial, or at least less threatening. An IDF tank at a military post overlooking Syria near the Israeli border in the Golan Heights, May 23, 2022. (Michael Giladi/Flash90) Syria, a country on Israel’s border in which Russia and Iran are major players, has long posed serious threats to the Jewish state. But Turkey also has influence there, and wants to see a reduced Iranian presence in a country where it has carried out major military operations in recent years. “I think there is a lot of room for both countries to work together in Syria,” Erim said. “They both want the same thing.” Turkey is also trying to mend ties with Egypt, but Cairo remains wary of Ankara’s support for the Muslim Brotherhood. Israel could play…
title: “With The Reset Turkey And Israel Are Trying To Build Durable Ties That Can Reshape The Region Klmat” ShowToc: true date: “2022-11-27” author: “Arthur Payton”
The development, which observers saw as a matter of when rather than if, does not mean the two regional powers see eye to eye on every issue, especially when it comes to the Palestinians. But it does mean that their interests align with enough important issues that they intend to pursue a positive bipartisan agenda. And they plan to do it in a way that won’t let the relationship crumble at the sight of the first breakup. “This shows the ability of countries to deal with differences and create frameworks for differences to be discussed without it destroying the bilateral relationship, as happened in previous years,” said Nimrod Goren, president of Mitvim – The Israeli Institute for Regional. Foreign Policy, think tank. This new relationship, combined with Israel’s growing ties to Arab partners, has far-reaching potential for both Jerusalem and Ankara. Get The Times of Israel Daily Edition by email and never miss our top stories By signing up, you agree to the terms But it also has the power to restore alliances across the Middle East as Turkey tries to recover from years of international isolation.
Steady progress, led by Herzog
The countries withdrew their ambassadors in 2010 after Israeli forces stormed a Gaza-bound blockade-busting flotilla, sparking a clash that left 10 Turkish nationals dead and several Israeli soldiers seriously wounded. A 2016 rapprochement collapsed two years later when Turkey recalled its ambassador and asked Israel to leave to protest Israel’s response to riots on the Gaza border that killed dozens of Palestinians. Turkish and Israeli leaders have criticized each other bitterly, with Recep Tayyip Erdogan calling Israel a country of “infanticide” and then-Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu accusing Erdogan of killing Kurdish civilians. The long journey to Wednesday’s announcement began in May 2020, when an El Al plane landed in Turkey for the first time in 10 years, as part of an operation to transport medical supplies to Israel at the height of the COVID-19 pandemic. In the months that followed, Turkey, faced with regional isolation, economic woes and a potentially hostile president in the White House, proved a more willing partner. Israel, enjoying growing ties with Turkey’s rivals and insisting on seeing evidence that Ankara would not take sides, was content to sit back. The slow process has gained momentum over the past year, with a new Israeli government in power and President Isaac Herzog taking an active diplomatic role. After Herzog was sworn in, Erdogan called to congratulate him and the two spoke for 40 minutes. Mordi Oknin (left), who was jailed with his wife Nathalie for photographing the Turkish president’s palace, arrives at their home in Modin, November 18, 2021. (Yossi Aloni/Flash90) The presidents have spoken regularly since then, including after the death of Herzog’s mother, when Erdogan contracted COVID, and the violence in Jerusalem during Ramadan. Herzog’s relationship with Erdogan was seen as a key factor in the release of an Israeli couple arrested on suspicion of espionage in Turkey. Herzog also flew to Ankara in March to meet Erdogan and was greeted by an honor guard and a band playing Israel’s national anthem, for the first time since 2008, when he visited Prime Minister Ehud Olmert. Once Herzog had prepared the ground, the countries’ top diplomats could meet. Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu, a close ally of Erdogan, met with his counterpart Yair Lapid in Jerusalem in May, before Lapid, who remained foreign minister, became Israel’s prime minister. The following month, amid Iran’s efforts to launch attacks on Israelis in Turkey, Lapid stood by Cavusoglu in Ankara and praised the security cooperation between the countries. During that visit, the two diplomats reached an agreement on a phased process leading to the return of the ambassadors. Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu, right, and Foreign Minister Yair Lapid speak to the media after their talks, in Ankara, Turkey, Thursday, June 23, 2022. (AP/Burhan Ozbilici) As senior officials met, government ministries began to take tangible steps. In July, Israel and Turkey signed the outline of a civil aviation agreement to replace the existing agreement that dates back to 1951. The finance ministry also announced it would reopen Israel’s financial office in Istanbul, which had been closed for three years. Along with steady progress, there was the risk of major setbacks. Erdogan criticized Israel’s “oppression” of Palestinians and “violations” in Jerusalem during his 2020 address to the United Nations General Assembly. The strange arrest of Israeli tourists in November 2021 also threatened to derail progress. And this month, during the three-day Operation Breaking Dawn in Gaza, Erdogan blasted Israel. “We condemn Israel’s actions in Gaza,” he said. “There can be no justification for killing children.” But with both sides determined to see the reconciliation process through to a successful conclusion, they navigated these episodes quietly and deftly. They had compelling reasons to do so.
New strategic dialogue
In the wake of the so-called Arab Spring, which toppled Sunni Arab regimes across the Middle East, Erdogan began promoting a regional order rooted in political Islam, supporting the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and the Islamist Ennahda party in Tunisia. But pro-Western authoritarian forces have pushed back across the region, and Turkey’s rivals have allied against the challenge emanating from Ankara. Faced with growing isolation and economic challenges, Turkey has decided to chart a new course in its foreign policy. During the decade-plus of tensions with Ankara, Jerusalem has been happy to ally with other countries opposed to Turkey and demonstrate its value as a regional partner. Greece, Cyprus, Egypt, Jordan and Turkey’s European rivals met with Israel over gas cooperation at the EastMed Gas Forum. Although the alliance’s planned pipeline to Europe is unlikely to ever be built, the group has laid the groundwork for other types of energy cooperation. Former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu (R), his Greek counterpart Kyriakos Mitsotakis (L) and Cypriot President Nicos Anastasiades shake hands in Athens on January 2, 2020, ahead of the signing of an agreement on the EastMed gas pipeline project from the eastern Mediterranean to Europe. (Aris Messins/AFP) Israel also forged the Abraham Accords with the UAE, another rival of Turkey, Bahrain and Morocco, and continued to expand the alliance into tangible agreements. Egypt and Jordan are also showing increasing interest in joining the Abraham Accords initiatives, and US President Joe Biden’s administration has fully supported expanding the alliance. By approaching Israel, Turkey is likely hoping to come in from the cold. Beyond diplomatic isolation, Turkey is in desperate need of foreign investment. Its total net foreign holdings have fallen by almost 50 percent over the past five years, and foreign direct investment has fallen by 38 percent by the same amount, as the Turkish economy continues to reel from the effects of the pandemic. In March, inflation in Turkey reached 80%, a 24-year high. Sustained economic growth has been key to Erdogan’s popularity among the Turkish working class as prime minister, and attracting new foreign investment is paramount for Turkey’s leader. A large replica of a 200 Turkish lira banknote, featuring a photo of modern Turkey’s founder Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, adorns a currency exchange shop in Istanbul. (AP Photo/Lefteris Pitarakis) The restoration of ties with Israel is the perfect sign of normalcy needed to appease foreign investors. Israel, for its part, is looking for a way to channel its natural gas to an energy-hungry Europe. “The Turks and the Turkish Cypriots have been keenly looking at any type of pipeline,” Yusuf Erim, a Turkish analyst at TRT World, told The Times of Israel. Jerusalem is also keen to expand security ties with another country that is concerned about Iranian activities in the region and wants to see its airlines reclaim a larger share of the lucrative inter-country aviation pie. The restoration of ties will have further resonance in the region. “Once the ambassadors return, the door opens for the resumption of a strategic dialogue between the sides,” Goren pointed out. With the US reducing its influence in the Middle East, other powers are filling the void, not all friendly to Israel. Closer strategic ties with Turkey can help Israel shape the Middle East in a way that is more beneficial, or at least less threatening. An IDF tank at a military post overlooking Syria near the Israeli border in the Golan Heights, May 23, 2022. (Michael Giladi/Flash90) Syria, a country on Israel’s border in which Russia and Iran are major players, has long posed serious threats to the Jewish state. But Turkey also has influence there, and wants to see a reduced Iranian presence in a country where it has carried out major military operations in recent years. “I think there is a lot of room for both countries to work together in Syria,” Erim said. “They both want the same thing.” Turkey is also trying to mend ties with Egypt, but Cairo remains wary of Ankara’s support for the Muslim Brotherhood. Israel could play…
